Focus ROMI.HR

Whenever discussions about Roma people surface in public debate, stereotypes quickly take over: “they don’t want to study,” “they drop out by choice,” or “education isn’t part of their culture.” These lazy narratives ignore a basic truth: no child chooses poverty, segregation, or systemic discrimination.
The truth is many Roma students grew up in households without internet access, walk into classrooms where teachers had already decided they would fail, and internalize a message repeated over generations: “the system is not for you.” If these students still manage to reach university, it is not because the system worked —it is because they fought against it—.
Structural barriers disguised as “personal failure”

Available data paints a stark picture. According to Monitoring Education for Roma, a study that compiles information from 19 countries across Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, shows that higher education remains largely inaccessible to most Roma students. In many national contexts, only between 1% and 4% of Roma adults hold a university degree —a rate dramatically lower than that of the majority population, which is around 30%—.

This staggering gap is too often explained away as “lack of motivation.” But motivation has little to do with sitting in overcrowded, underfunded, segregated schools where the curriculum is designed to limit, not expand, opportunities.

But this gap begins to form much earlier, during early childhood. In this sense, according to the rapport published in 2023 REYN Early Childhood Research Study, six out of ten Roma children under the age of three lack nearby access to Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) services, and around 70% struggle to understand the language used in early learning settings.

Furthermore, according to the European Parliamentary Research Service, only 44% of Roma children aged three to seven —or up to the start of compulsory primary education— are enrolled in early childhood programmes. This gap has serious consequences for their cognitive, social, and emotional development, explains Solene Molard, Project and Policy Advisor at Eurocities. Since the first five years are the most formative in a child’s life, Molard warns that missing out on early education creates a domino effect that limits opportunities throughout their entire future.

In countries such as Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Hungary, Roma children are often funneled into so-called “special schools” for students with learning difficulties —not because they cannot learn, but because society has decided they should not—. This is the reason why, by the time they reach adolescence, many Roma students have already been excluded from the possibility of a university education.

Yes, there are Roma lawyers, academics, and politicians. Their success is real and should be celebrated. But these stories are often used as proof that the system is “open to everyone” if only one tries hard enough. That is a myth. Individual success does not erase structural injustice.

In fact, the visibility of a few exceptions often serves as a convenient excuse for governments to avoid systemic reform. “If some Roma make it,” the logic goes, “then the problem is not with us, but with the rest of them.” This narrative turns structural discrimination into a supposed personal failing, which is a dangerous distortion of reality.

A lack of trust towards institutions

Roma youth are not inherently less capable, less motivated, or less ambitious than their peers. What they lack is equal opportunity, and what they face is a system that has consistently worked against them. Until we stop blaming Roma students for failing to succeed in a rigged game, progress will remain superficial.

Tefik Mahmut, Programme Specialist on the Rights of Roma at UNICEF, highlights how local governments can expand opportunities for marginalised children from the earliest stages. “Cities are essential actors in putting Early Childhood Education and Care policies into practice, and they can strengthen these services thanks to the autonomy granted by law,” he explains. Municipal authorities, he adds, have the power to ensure that their policies and day-to-day practices truly uphold equality.

However, local authorities still confront significant obstacles. Many communities lack nearby early education centres, and when they do exist, they are often difficult to reach —a problem that disproportionately affects Roma families living in segregated neighbourhoods on the outskirts of cities—. Another challenge lies in ensuring that Roma parents are informed about available programmes and understand the value of early childhood development.

Mahmut argues that building trust around early education requires more than just sharing information: it demands community involvement. He emphasises that working directly with Roma parents, mediators, and educators is far more effective than simply running awareness campaigns. For him, promoting equality from the earliest years also means increasing Roma representation in ECEC settings and creating learning environments that genuinely reflect the community’s diversity. As he notes, engaging Roma families in focus groups or participatory initiatives ensures they understand the value of early childhood education and see firsthand the benefits it brings to their children and the wider community.

Mahmut notes that it’s easy to overlook the deep mistrust that exists between Roma communities and public institutions. “We forget that there is a lack of trust between the community and the institution in general, given that Roma have been subjugated and discriminated against for a very long time,” explains Mahmut. “The result of that is a lack of trust towards any institution.” 

“If trust isn’t there, it becomes impossible to work together,” argues Angelina Dimiter Taikon, Project Coordinator for Roma inclusion at the Education Department, who also identifies lack of trust as the main reason only a few Roma families enroll their children in the city’s pre-schools.

She explains that it is easier for Roma people to trust other Roma people, so the solution should also be directed towards assuring the community has access to the system as teachers or coordinators. “They trust us, so we are there the whole time”, she assures, being herself part of the Roma community, “while Roma parents meet each other and talk with city officials who can help them with social issues”.

Efforts for breaking the cycle

Several European cities offer concrete examples of how local action can improve access to early childhood education for Roma children. In Stockholm, Sweden, mistrust has been identified as the main barrier preventing Roma families from enrolling their children in pre-school. To address this, the city created an “open pre-school” space exclusively for Roma families once a week, guided by Roma mediators who act as cultural and linguistic bridges. This approach helps families become familiar with the system in a safe, supportive environment, gradually rebuilding trust in public institutions.

In Hungary, the Józsefváros district of Budapest has taken more structural measures to end segregation in early childhood education. Local authorities closed the most segregated kindergarten, reorganised school-catchment areas to ensure mixed enrolment, and introduced activities that bring Roma and non-Roma children together from an early age. Parents are also involved in decision-making processes, strengthening cooperation and ensuring that inclusion becomes a shared responsibility.

Another example comes from Vienna, Austria, where the city has developed a Roma Learning Support Programme within primary schools. This initiative offers small-group tutoring, bilingual support in both German and the family’s home language, and regular information sessions for parents at the beginning of each school year. The programme focuses not only on academic support but also on building trust and improving communication between Roma families and educational institutions.

The 2023 EU Roma Strategic Framework centres on improving the socioeconomic inclusion of marginalised Roma communities, with a strong focus on equality, participation, and access to mainstream services. Education is a key priority: the strategy sets out specific targets for 2023, including narrowing the gap in early childhood education by ensuring that at least 70% of Roma children attend preschool, increasing the share of Roma youth who complete upper secondary school, and reducing the number of children placed in segregated or predominantly Roma schools to fewer than one in five.

As Mahmut reminds, children do not choose their ethnicity, environment, or family circumstances. It is therefore the responsibility of institutions to guarantee that every child is given a fair chance to grow and learn. When early foundations are weak or unequal, he warns, the entire trajectory of a child’s learning and development is affected. Until then, every statistic about Roma exclusion is not just a number — it is a measure of Europe’s ongoing failure to live up to its own ideals.

Scholarships are not enough: we need to create alternative models

Because many Roma families grow up in conditions of chronic economic insecurity, unstable housing, and limited institutional support, finishing compulsory schooling does not translate into a real possibility of accessing university. The cost of books, transport, fees or simply the need to work makes higher education unattainable for many. According to a 2017 study by the University of Seville, scholarship programmes are one of the clearest ways to close this gap and make university a viable path.

There are only a few initiatives offering scholarships specifically for Roma students, the main one being a programme that combines financial aid with personalised tutoring, cooperation with families and community-organised student meetings. One of its key strategies is sharing examples of academic success to encourage more young Roma to continue their studies. 

In Central and Eastern Europe, several countries have taken a more ambitious approach, creating scholarship schemes, quota-based access measures, and academic support programmes designed to raise the number of Roma university graduates. Although these initiatives vary in form and are often driven by private organisations, they all share two essential elements: financial support that covers enrolment and basic costs, and tailored academic guidance to help overcome structural disadvantages. They also aim to strengthen Roma identity and foster future professionals who can serve as role models within their communities.

However, improving Roma access to higher education cannot be achieved simply by providing scholarship schemes for the most disadvantaged groups, even if such financial support is necessary. It is equally important to develop alternative models that help challenge existing stereotypes about Roma people and increase the visibility of the diverse forms of “Romaness.” This perspective is particularly useful when designing public policies and educational interventions. 

Identity construction: becoming payo?

Some essentialist anthropological views claim that Roma culture is inherently opposed to formal education, but more nuanced perspectives argue that no social or ethnic group is culturally homogeneous. Cultural values can certainly influence educational outcomes, as cultural-ecological theory suggests, because the behaviour considered “appropriate” within a minority group can either support or hinder school success depending on how it is perceived in relation to the majority culture.

Ethnographic studies have shown, for instance, that disengagement from school can be a reaction to the pressure of “acting white” among African American students. In the Spanish Roma context, some research indicates that education may be seen as a threat of assimilation, implying that Roma who succeed academically are somehow abandoning their own culture. 

As one student from the report conducted by the University of Seville explains, “in our family, they call us the ‘career people’… all of us, those of my grandfather’s line… those of the other line are the ones that have maintained the Roma stereotype… the street vending… you can see perfectly well the differences between my mother and my aunts and the rest of the uncles and cousins”, highlighting how even within families, attitudes towards education can vary significantly.

The participants of the case study at the University of Seville strongly believe that studying does not mean losing their roots. They reject the notion that academic training changes one’s identity. As one Roma student states, “I think that university training feeds our culture, without interfering with our identity.” Speaking about university training, they add: “You do not lose your ethnic identity, your origins, your base… I don’t think that it makes you lose where you come from if you really like your origins (…) I think that it gives you… tools, knowledge and different points of view, that’s all”. 

Still, shaping their own identity while remaining connected to their ‘origins’ is not easy and often leaves them feeling different.

All participants attended integrated schools, avoiding ghettoized or Roma-majority areas, which contributed to smoother school trajectories. As one recalls, “My institute was an integrated school. I was the only Roma.” Throughout their education, including university, participants describe themselves as “normal students, like any other in the class,” a perception shaped by the fact that peers and teachers often did not know they were Roma. 

Acceptance of Roma identity by teachers is more limited. Many participants report having to correct teachers or request inclusion of Roma history and culture in the curriculum, often receiving only passive or reactive responses. Another student adds, “Very few teachers have cultural competence, which I understand the universities do not teach them. So it’s almost as if you miss being told about your ancestral roots, about the Moors, and [questions like], when did the Roma arrive in Andalucía?... and that they address it in a positive way.” Only in rare cases did participants encounter proactive measures or positive discrimination by teachers.

The findings highlight the educational experiences of the participants, serving as illustrative examples rather than a representation of all Roma students or graduates. Still, these experiences reveal patterns consistent with previous research conducted in Spain. One factor supporting the continuity of the participants’ education is that their families live in urban contexts that are neither segregated nor marginalized. Added to this are parents’ strong educational aspirations and general family support, which provide motivation even when financial resources are limited. A third relevant factor, present in some cases, is the presence of prior family models —parents or ancestors who attended university or adopted lifestyles that diverge from traditional Roma stereotypes—.

The experiences of Roma students show that the barriers to higher education are structural, not personal. Poverty, segregation, and low expectations start early, and even those who succeed face a system that often overlooks their culture and identity. While scholarships and family support help, lasting change requires policies that address inequality, include Roma voices, and challenge stereotypes. Ensuring true access to education means creating an environment where every Roma child can learn, thrive, and be recognized for their potential, not defined by prejudice or circumstance.